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- Classical antiquity
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- Introduction: Late Antique Conceptions of Late Antiquity
- Families in the Roman and Late Antique World
Duncan E. MacRae; Late Antiquity and the Antiquarian. Studies in Late Antiquity 1 December ; 1 4 : —
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This article begins with a brief overview of The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity , which attempts to integrate all the interpretive systems economic, social, artistic, religious, cultural while maintaining a broad geographical perspective—from the Atlantic to Central Asia.
The discussion then turns to the challenges of recreating the mental world of Late Antiquity. In order to describe the mental world of the elites of Late Antiquity, it is first necessary to know how they conceived of the late antique geopolitical world.
One can then proceed to study the values of late antique societies, the late antique religious world, and ultimately the late antique knowledge of the world, in particular, the history of the 'poque as it was understood by its contemporaries. Keywords: late antique period , mental world , geopolitics , religion , values , knowledge. For a half century now, a diverse range of historiographical models for the end of antiquity has been increasingly reshuffled Mazzarino ; Demandt ; Inglebert ; Marcone ; James ; Ando What is more, the expression allowed value to be placed on the creative aspects of the period—especially in religious, cultural, and artistic domains—and it took into account all the historical dimensions, understanding these to be linked to the disappearance of the western Roman empire and to the decline of specific regions.
This conception was accompanied by the positive depiction of a period that was altogether creative. Later, in The Making of Late Antiquity , Brown proposed defining Late Antiquity by its religious and cultural themes, in their relation to the social evolutions at the heart of the Mediterranean world.
However, this new historiographical norm has been sharply criticized in the last ten years or so Giardina , and some scholars no longer hesitate to take up once more the concept of decline: whether it be in the region-by-region picture of Mazzarino Liebeschuetz or even in the universalizing sense of Gibbon Ward-Perkins These debates are accompanied by the abandonment of an a priori favorable judgment and by the reassertion of classical themes neglected since This present collective work, The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity , has chosen to attempt to integrate all the interpretive systems economic, social, artistic, religious, cultural while maintaining a broad geographical perspective—from the Atlantic to Central Asia.
The Cambridge Ancient History volumes emphasize above all classical historiographical themes political, military, social, and institutional history and leave out the Sasanian world, which is treated in The Cambridge History of Iran III.
By contrast, the Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity tries to extend its reach as far as possible, in terms of both thematic categories and geographical scope. To begin with Constantine rather than with Diocletian and to end with the prophet of Islam rather than with a Roman emperor is a choice in favor of religious themes. In the debates over the nature of Late Antiquity, this chronology insists on continuity, as opposed to drastic change.
Rupture, by contrast, is what a political periodization usually champions, not least because of the disappearance of the Roman empire in the West. The conversion of Constantine and the Muslim conquest very much had a global impact in allying a religion and a universal power.
Even if the rate of conversion to Christianity or Islam diverged region by region, the process persisted into the following centuries. But yet, so long as the evolution of diverse diachronic themes is not rendered in a synchronic manner, it is inevitable that periodizations will vary according to the themes broached.
Thus, for Late Antiquity to avoid becoming only a projection of contemporary anachronistic ideas—related to American multiculturalism, to concepts of European Union—or to be only a predictable framework of scholarship, 3 the historian has only two solutions. Such a systematic synthesis, hoped for by Andrea Giardina and necessarily worked out according to the understandings of our time, remains to be written.
Such an attempt to re-create the mental world of Late Antiquity—already partially tried Sambursky —nevertheless runs into particular difficulties. If one supposes that Late Antiquity existed as a place of shared consciousness—that is to say, as a network of communication—one must admit that it was not a homogeneous space.
Reconstructing the mental world of Late Antiquity, therefore, returns to describing the representations that peoples had of themselves and of their world and the connections between these representations. Nevertheless, this world was a real geographical space, which, from the Atlantic to India, had a center of gravity, the imperial Roman power, henceforth Christian.
This center, like a very massive star, bent the world of meaning around itself and oriented the mental space-time of people toward its own center. Since it was p. When the Roman empire disappeared in the West from the fifth century, it was the eastern Roman empire that then assumed the role of reference point.
The demographic, economic, military, and cultural importance of the Roman East is alone insufficient to provide us with a definition of Late Antiquity. Rather, the East was only the necessary condition, a central hub around which and for which existed a network of traffic in information and meaning—a role that the Muslim world would perform later. In other words, the Roman East was the material cause but not the efficient cause of Late Antiquity.
The first is the geographical origin of the sources: we have many more documents stemming from the Roman world than from the Sasanian world. Consequently, the reconstruction of a late antique consciousness of the world would be unbalanced in favor of the Roman empire, but at this time, the political and psychological reality always favored Rome.
The second difficulty lies in the social origin of the sources: we must lean principally on written sources, and one cannot reconstruct a whole conception of the world from a small selection of works. But in an aristocratic world, there is nothing else that might be used to generalize.
The third problem is the criticism that the sources that supply us with information provide more representations than descriptions of reality. To describe the mental world of the elites of Late Antiquity, it is first necessary to know how they conceived of the late antique geopolitical world. To understand the late antique geopolitical world, it is necessary to start from the situation of the High Empire, from Augustus to Gordian III 27 b. The known world for the Romans orbis terrarum , as it was derived from what was known by Greek geographers from the fourth century b.
This image of the world—illustrated by the now lost maps of Eratosthenes and Strabo and also by the surviving itinerary map called the Peutinger Table—remained the common conception until , when the first atlas of world and regional maps, derived from the Geography of Claudius Ptolemy, was produced in Alexandria Wolska-Conus But from a cultural point of view, one might distinguish within these six regions four zones of information circulation: 1 the Roman West Latin , 2 the Roman East Greek , 3 the Near East Aramaic , and 4 Persia Middle-Persian.
The Imperium Romanum , which Virgil had defined as sine fine Aeneid 1. It is necessary to understand that this pretension, that there was an urbs to rule the orbis terrarum , was not absurd Nicolet In the second century, when Rome controlled the client kingdoms of the Rhine and the Danube, as well as the Red Sea, it was in a position of strength against the Parthians who were defeated by Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, and Septimius Severus , and it received ambassadors from Central Asia and southern India.
The Romans could think without exaggeration that their superiority maiestas was recognized by all peoples—China was not known—and that the Roman emperor was indeed the master of the world. I, Lauricius, wrote this. The grandeur of Rome was known in China, as claimed by the princes of southern India who used denarii as local money and received a cult of the divine Augustus at the port of Muziris probably in modern Malabar.
Around , Bardaisan of Edessa, a Christian p. This image of the world was cast aside by the crisis of the third century. From to , the Roman empire was attacked on three fronts by adversaries that had become more powerful: the Sasanians in the East, the Goths along the Danube, and the Franks and Alamanni along the Rhine.
The defeats, the civil wars, and the fragmentation of the empire into three parts that occurred around created a dramatic situation that stabilized only around But in , though Rome had regained a semblance of its former hegemony, this would not last.
After , the attacks against the Roman empire resumed: troops were withdrawn in the face of the Persian onslaught Nisibis was lost in , Armenia divided in ; they were defeated by the Goths Adrianople in ; the sack of Rome in ; they were unable to defend the Rhine frontier ; they suffered losses at the hands of the Vandals Africa was lost from to ; Rome was sacked in ; Roman expeditions were held in check from to All of these events led to the end of the western empire during the years to Eventually, the menace of the Slavs in the Balkans and the Sasanians in the East — was more pressing.
But all of these events were henceforth understood in relation to the Christian Roman empire, a mental framework that was the founder of Late Antiquity, ideologically established by Constantine during the years to , at the very moment when the notion of Roman superiority was rediscovered.
It is now necessary to present the different understandings of this space-time according to the various cultural zones. The Peutinger Table offers us a graphic expression of this conception of Roman rule. Even if the surviving copy is medieval, with some early medieval, maybe Carolingian, inclusions Albu ; cf. Talbert , its final conception can be dated to around Arnaud , and on it the Roman empire represents 80 percent of the depicted space. For Jerome, Rome was an empire among others in history.
The idea of the Roman hegemony became rare after But even after the invasions along the Rhine in , it was possible to believe from Orosius and Rutilius Namatianus to Sidonius Apollinaris that, despite the machinations of the Vandals—in and in it was still possible to hope seriously that they would be destroyed—the Roman empire was surviving at the least in the power of the emperor over confederated barbarians henceforth installed within Roman territory.
After , however, these illusions disappeared. The concrete Roman universality could become a Christian universality. This, however, did not prevent barbarians Odoacer in , the Burgundian kings around or the popes—Gregory the Great, who, around , was still truly a Roman citizen thanks to the Justinianic conquest—from respecting that the Roman empire was henceforth directed from Constantinople.
Seen from the Roman East, the world was rather different because the Roman empire remained in place. Of course, the known world had grown significantly: around —, Ammianus Marcellinus correctly described China, not Central Asia, as the country of the Seres.
But some still believed in the sovereign superiority of the Roman empire. Recording the Indian voyage of a scholasticus from Thebes, Palladius reported the respect that the Roman emperor had inspired in those far-off regions Commonitorium 6. And around , Cosmas Indicopleustes, a merchant from Alexandria, proudly reported how p. At that same time, the first atlas of maps based on Ptolemy were created Wolska-Conus : if the Roman empire appeared smaller, its renown, not only in India, was only appearing greater.
However, the fame of Rome was greater than its influence, and the imperium sine fine had been replaced with Romania , a word that appeared in the fourth century and was prominent thereafter: from now on—that is, after , as attested by the Expositio totius mundi —the frontier that separated Rome from the barbarians was more insisted upon.
For him, barbaricum denotes Germanic areas of Europe, not the powerful and civilized eastern empire. The Syriac and Armenian Near East, divided between the Roman and Sasanian empires, was without doubt the best place to learn about the late antique geographic world. These were Christians who retained lasting suspicion among their Persian rulers and had famously suffered persecutions.
For his own theological reasons, he refused to use the maps derived from Ptolemy and instead took up again the very ancient geography of Ephorus from around b. The Persian empire appears in his work to be comparable in size to the Roman empire.
Sasanian Persia is the final cultural sphere that concerns us here. Due to their central position in Asia, the Sasanians were a priori very well placed to assemble information Fr. But they did not have the Greco-Roman p. They were not in direct contact with the Chinese, except at the end of the Sasanian empire at the time of the Arab invasion, but they knew of their power from Sogdian merchants.
They were in contact with northern India, because they fought against the Kushans from to This is shown in a recently discovered bas-relief from Rag-i Bibi, in Afghanistan, which depicts a Sasanian king no doubt Shapur I on horseback, attacking a rhinoceros as a symbol of Kushan India and not of the Afghan mountains! But the Sasanian control over Sogdiana, Bactriana, and Gandhara lasted only until around , coming to an end with the arrival of the Ephthalite Huns.
The Persians maintained more lasting contact with the Arabs, and they managed to extend their control to Yemen by However, Rome was the model, not the nomads. It is known that the Sasanians had asserted their Persian origins, connecting themselves to the Achaemenid Persians; in reality, this pretension was theoretical and aimed less at conquering the Roman East than at justifying their power over the Arsacids, against whom they fought from to —though their princes still reigned in Armenia and at Hatra they had established a rapprochement with Rome by then.
Neither in the third century nor in the sixth did the Sasanians endeavor to use their opportune victories over the Romans to annex Syria or part of Anatolia; they did this only at the beginning of the seventh century.
But the claim to Achaemenid heritage was real, and it held a strong ideological force. This Manichaean selection of three great religious spheres was different from the ideological traditions of the Sasanians, which was as much cultural—two civilized empires, Rome and the Sasanians—as it was political: four thrones, China, Central Asia, Persia, and the eastern Roman empire.
If the Romans were well acquainted with the Persians after as the work of Ammianus Marcellinus shows , the Persians were informed about the Romans from the time of Shapur I as demonstrated by his description of the army of Valerian in Thus, beginning after , the hegemony of the empire of Rome was called into question, and despite the reestablishment of Roman authority around , the question was taken up again after in the East and led to the political and economic disintegration of the Roman West after The Sasanian military power forced the Romans to admit their parity, something they had refused to admit to the Parthians.
At the same time, the expansion of Christendom allowed a greater assertion of Christian universality. The world of Late Antiquity was thus organized around four loci: 1 the affirmed primacy of the Christian Roman empire which became the empire of Constantinople after — , 2 the accepted equality between the Roman and the Sasanian empires, 3 the integration of a number of peripheral regions through the expansion of Christianity e.
In the late antique world, connections among the values of the elites was an important phenomenon; just as under the High Empire, it is easy to simply hold the Roman and Iranian elites in opposition. The former maintained civic, urbane, cultural paideia , and civil values.
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The historians of Late Antiquity seem to be very popular all of a sudden. first problem, and I'll start with a few minor ones, is the title, Greek and Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity. The entire text can now be downloaded as a PDF file.
Introduction: Late Antique Conceptions of Late Antiquity
This volume seeks to explain developments within the structure of the family in antiquity, in particular in the later Roman Empire and late antiquity. Contributions extend the traditional chronological focus on the Roman family to include the transformation of familial structures in the newly formed kingdoms of late antiquity in Europe, thus allowing a greater historical perspective and establishing a new paradigm for the study of the Roman family. Drawing on the latest research by leading scholars in the field the book includes new approaches to the life course and the family in the Byzantine empire, family relationships in the dynasty of Constantine the Great, death, burial and commemoration of newborn children in Roman Italy, and widows and familial networks in Roman Egypt. In short, this volume seeks to establish a new agenda for the understanding of the Roman family and its transformation in late antiquity. Introduction: Looking Forward - Harlow and Loven 2.
Studies in Late Antiquity 1 February ; 1 1 : 8— Yet it is still the case that many approaches to late antiquity are bound up with conventional western narratives of historical progress, as defined in Jack Goody's The Theft of History Indeed, the debate about whether late antiquity was an age of dynamic transformation as argued by Peter Brown and his disciples or one of catastrophic disruption as asserted, most recently, by Bryan Ward-Perkins can be regarded as representing two different faces of an essentially evolutionary interpretation of western historical development. This article argues, however, that we can challenge such conventional narrative frameworks by taking a world historical perspective on late antiquity. It shows, first, that our interpretation of late antiquity depends on sources that themselves are representative of myriad local perspectives.
This article begins with a brief overview of The Oxford Handbook of Late Antiquity , which attempts to integrate all the interpretive systems economic, social, artistic, religious, cultural while maintaining a broad geographical perspective—from the Atlantic to Central Asia. The discussion then turns to the challenges of recreating the mental world of Late Antiquity. In order to describe the mental world of the elites of Late Antiquity, it is first necessary to know how they conceived of the late antique geopolitical world. One can then proceed to study the values of late antique societies, the late antique religious world, and ultimately the late antique knowledge of the world, in particular, the history of the 'poque as it was understood by its contemporaries.
Classical antiquity also the classical era , classical period or classical age is the period of cultural history between the 8th century BC and the 6th century AD centered on the Mediterranean Sea , [note 1] comprising the interlocking civilizations of ancient Greece and ancient Rome known as the Greco-Roman world. It is the period in which both Greek and Roman societies flourished and wielded great influence throughout much of Europe , Northern Africa , and Western Asia.
Families in the Roman and Late Antique World
Late antiquity is a periodization used by historians to describe the time of transition from classical antiquity to the Middle Ages in mainland Europe , the Mediterranean world , the Near East , and Africa. The popularization of this periodization in English has generally been credited to historian Peter Brown , after the publication of his seminal work The World of Late Antiquity Precise boundaries for the period are a continuing matter of debate, but Brown proposes a period between the 3rd and 8th centuries AD. Generally, it can be thought of as from the end of the Roman Empire 's Crisis of the Third Century — to the early Muslim conquests — , or as roughly contemporary with the Sasanian Empire —
Она вцепилась Беккеру в плечо, заставив его подняться - как раз в тот момент, когда губы старика шевельнулись. Единственное сорвавшееся с них слово фактически не было произнесено. Оно напоминало беззвучный выдох-далекое чувственное воспоминание. - Капля Росы… Крик медсестры гнал его прочь. Капля Росы.
Почти уже спустившись, Стратмор остановился, нащупывая последнюю ступеньку. Когда он ее нашел, каблук его ботинка громко ударился о кафельную плитку пола. Сьюзан почувствовала, как напряглось все его тело. Они вступили в опасную зону: Хейл может быть где угодно. Вдали, за корпусом ТРАНСТЕКСТА, находилась их цель - Третий узел. Сьюзан молила Бога, чтобы Хейл по-прежнему был там, на полу, катаясь от боли, как побитая собака.
It aims to examine the development of late antique historiography, stressing chiefly the relations between Greek and Roman Historiography in Late Antiquity. Fourth to Sixth Century A.D. pdf file; size 1,99 MB. added by.
Весь вечер оказался сплошной комедией ошибок. В его ушах звучали слова Стратмора: Не звони, пока не добудешь кольцо. Внезапно он почувствовал страшный упадок сил. Если Меган продала кольцо и улетела, нет никакой возможности узнать, где оно. Беккер закрыл глаза и попытался сосредоточиться. Итак, каков следующий шаг.
- Слова лились потоком, словно ждали много лет, чтобы сорваться с его губ. - Я люблю .
Это было радостное избавление от вечного напряжения, связанного с ее служебным положением в АНБ. В один из прохладных осенних дней они сидели на стадионе, наблюдая за тем, как футбольная команда Рутгерса громит команду Джорджтауне кого университета. - Я забыла: как называется вид спорта, которым ты увлекаешься? - спросила Сьюзан. - Цуккини. - Сквош, - чуть не застонал Беккер.
Затем, не сводя с него глаз, нагнулся, поднял бутылки и поставил их на стол. - Ну, доволен. Тот потерял дар речи. - Будь здоров, - сказал Беккер. Да этот парень - живая реклама противозачаточных средств.